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While the victory at the Plains of Abraham and the surrender of Quebec City the previous fall should have meant that the British were on the verge of complete victory in North America, the situation was actually more complex. Capturing the city was one thing, holding it was another matter. Brigadier General James Murray started the winter with 7,313 soldiers but a lack of fresh food brought an epidemic of dysentery and scurvy, while any troops sent out of the city to forage for food had to brave both the bitter cold and raids by French soldiers. By spring a thousand men had died and only five thousand men were fit to fight. While the French were aware of the British suffering, it was clear that they had to retake the city before British reinforcements arrived, most likely in May. The Chevalier de Levis left Montreal on April 20 with seven thousand men and gained an additional thousand militia reinforcements on the way.

Murray decided it would be better to face him in battle than endure a siege, especially since there had been no time to repair the damage from the previous siege, so he led his men out of the city on April 26. He had planned to meet the French on the Plains of Abraham and build a defensive line on the high ground as Montcalm should have. In particular, he felt that his twenty cannon gave him a distinct advantage over the French. However, given that the ground was still hard, it is debatable whether or not he would have been able to build any kind of defensive positions. Anyway, the point is moot since just after he established his line of artillery, he saw that the French were marching through nearby woods and he immediately ordered an attack. The goal was to catch the French off-guard before they could organize but the enemy reacted well and it quickly became clear that Levis could send troops around the British, thus cutting them off from the city. Part of the problem was that the ground was still covered with snow, so it was difficult for the troops to move quickly. Worse, it was almost impossible to shift the artillery, therefore the main British advantage had disappeared. Murray ordered a retreat and was forced to abandon his artillery. Levis actually did try to block the retreat but the assigned battalion misunderstood the orders and the British made it back inside the city.

It had been a fierce battle for both sides. The British had 1,088 casualties and the French had 833 but Murray had lost both his artillery and a greater proportion of his effective troops. The situation had reached a stalemate since even though the captured British cannon were employed against the city, the French were still too weak to force their way in and the British could not escape. Therefore, whoever received reinforcements first would win. By this time it was clear that the French government did not consider the North American colonies to be a high priority but Levis would have been shocked to learn that the defence of Quebec was not even on the list of priorities, so Paris did not plan to send reinforcements but London did, and a British fleet arrived in mid May.

Levis retreated to Montreal and pulled in all of the remaining French units that were guarding the approaches to Montreal, thus allowing the British to concentrate their forces. To gain time, Levis had Captain Pierre Pouchot fortify the area near the first set of rapids on the St. Lawrence (near Ogdensburg, New York) to slow down Amherst while he dealt with Murray. Pouchot had proved his determination during the siege of Fort Niagara the previous summer and fortunately for Levis, he had been released in a prisoner exchange. The single advantage left to the French was that the campaign season in Canada was short and Amherst moved at a leisurely pace. If he had been an aggressive commander he might have taken Montreal the previous August. He had a large army of ten thousand men, mostly regulars, but he did not leave Oswego until August 10. Given Amherst’s reputation for moving slowly, it may seem as if he spent the summer dilly-dallying but actually he had to wait for the colonial troops to gather.

With only five cannon and two hundred soldiers Pouchot was not a serious threat to Amherst’s boats as they passed the French fort but Amherst was unwilling to leave a French position in his rear. The British reached Fort Levis on August 17 and three small British warships began bombarding the fort on August 19. Two of the ships were sunk and the third ran aground but British batteries on nearby islands continued to bombard the fort. Pouchot finally surrendered on August 24 after he had run out of ammunition. British casualties were 73 and French casualties were 275 out of 300. Four more days were then spent repairing the fort. Amherst had acquired an insignificant fort and Levis had gained two priceless weeks. Worse, Amherst had lost the majority of his Indian allies because he refused to allow them to sack the fort.

An unexpected obstacle was the fierce rapids of the St. Lawrence, which cost Amherst’s army five wet, miserable, terrifying days and eighty-four men. After a day of rest, the force continued and reached Montreal on September 6, where they were joined by Murray and Brigadier General William Haviland, who had led 3,500 men from Lake Champlain. Since most of the militiamen could read the writing on the wall, Levis had only his three thousand regulars and few options. Amherst’s offer was simple, immediate surrender or the town would be taken by storm. The French troops were given parole but not the honors of war because Amherst considered the French responsible for the atrocities committed by their Indian allies at Fort William Henry. Levis was furious but Vaudreuil saw reality and agreed to the surrender, which took place on the morning of September 8. That surrender included all of the French troops in North America, so the British had gained control of all of North America.

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Further Reading:

Empires At War: The Seven Years’ War and the Struggle for North America 1754-1763-William M. Fowler Jr., Toronto: Douglas & McIntyre, 2005.

The first chapter concisely explains the political situation in Europe and how conflict was brewing in North America despite the vast distances between the French and British colonies. The portraits of the main participants and contemporary paintings of the notable battles and forts are interesting but no replacement for actual maps. Admittedly, the footnotes give the modern locations of the places mentioned in the narrative but simply looking at modern maps does not give any sense of the scale of distance covered and just how empty the disputed areas were. Fowler also never details the specific number of casualties after each battle. As the title states, it focuses on the struggle for North America and spends little time explaining the situation in Europe. However, it is an excellent introduction to a conflict that set the stage for the American Revolution.

The French and Indian War: Deciding the Fate of North America-Walter R. Borneman, New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 2006.

Borneman devotes more time to an aborted plan of union between the colonies than to the initial fight that started the war and Washington’s surrender at Fort Necessity. He excels at explaining the economic aspect of the war and makes Pitt’s global vision easily understood. Although specific numbers of casualties for each battle are provided, some of his explanations of battles are better than others, which I suspect reflects whether they are considered important or not. Pontiac’s rebellion is examined in good detail and shows how Pontiac’s leadership role has been overstated. The years immediately following the end of the war are covered to show how the frustration of not being able to settle the captured French lands combined with heavy taxes drove the colonists to revolt. Finally, he briefly plays the what-if game, while never forgetting that the game is both fascinating and pointless. Above all, he shows how the war transformed the kingdom of Great Britain into the British Empire. Oh, it has great maps.

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